| It is often said that many individuals, having been high achievers before
entering law school, are surprised and dismayed when they receive Cs in
law school. That was neither my experience nor my expectation. I fully
expected to graduate in the bottom half of my class. I expected to work
extraordinarily hard. Yet, I also had confidence that I could accomplish
my goal of avoiding probation and possibly dismissal. My experiences taught
me that it was not only what you knew that was important to succeeding
in most educational environments, but understanding that a pedagogical
and political nature is essential. I also learned that the ability to express
what you knew in a manner acceptable to the instructor was important.(1)
Entering law school with these goals, I was both surprised at my success
and dismayed at the general incompetency of the legal education system.
Law school became a source of inspiration and frustration. I was inspired
because my prior years of experience and skill building helped to make
me successful. I was frustrated because of the confusing, humiliating,
and demoralizing effect that traditional legal pedagogy had on students.(2)
Although I enjoyed my success, I was disheartened by the implied notion
embodied in traditional legal pedagogy. Namely, that only those individuals
who have an extremely high level of the requisite skills upon entering
law school can succeed in law school and will become "good lawyers." Legal
education's failure to teach skills to varying levels of entering abilities
displayed this attitude. Traditional legal pedagogy fails to clearly identify
for students what a student needs to know and be able to do to succeed
in law school. Moreover, traditional legal pedagogy fails to teach clearly
and precisely the thinking skills embodied in the phrase "thinking like
a lawyer." Traditional legal pedagogy fails to provide adequate opportunities
for students to learn or improve their skills through practice and critique.(3)
Thus, success in law school is dependent not only upon the quality of
the educational system and the efforts of the students, but also upon students
entering with sufficiently high levels of the requisite skills so that
the legal educational system's failures minimally affect their success.(4)
Many students who fail in law school do so because legal education, through
its failure, does not attempt to educate as much as it attempts to weed
out students and to rank the students who remain. Thus, the problem of
an educationally unsound legal pedagogy leads many students to failure
(or poor performance) where failure (or poor performance) may have been
avoidable.
Intuitively, if not consciously, recognition of this dilemma causes
many first year law students to become overwhelmed by a fear of failure.(5)
The initial fear intensifies as the semester progresses until some students
become paralyzed by "failure anxiety." Failure anxiety is the condition
represented by the following statement: "I am so concerned about failing
my examination that I am unable to study."(6)
The causes of failure anxiety can be traced to four factors: (1) high expectations,
(2) the method of law school instruction, (3) the subject matter and method
of study, and (4) the importance of first semester grades.(7)
First, many students who enter law schools have done well academically
in the past and have high expectations of how they will do in law school.
When such students perceive themselves as being in the middle of the class,
because they received only Cs, they consider themselves failures.(8)
Second, the student must adjust to a method of instruction that provides
very little feedback or opportunity to practice developing skills.(9)
The so- called Socratic method results in many law professors making few
evaluative comments about a student's classroom performance. Thus, typical
first year classes provide little, if any, opportunity for feedback of
written analytical skills such as issue-spotting, analysis, and writing.
As a result, many law students enter their exams not having had any feedback
on the skills needed to do well. In fact, most students will go through
the entire semester not knowing how effective their method of study was
and having even less information on how to improve their method of study.(10)
Third, most first-year law students do not know how to study successfully.
In part, this is due to the significant change in teaching methods and
expectations between college and law school -- a change that is more significant
than the one between high school and college.(11)
The first semester in law school is like the first semester in college.
You don't know what the hell you are doing, with the exception that you
don't have any interim exams [in law school] to help you out. I suppose
I betray something when I say I don't know how much I should study. I don't
know how much we have to know, in what depth we have to go, what analysis
we'll have to do, and how much of an acquaintance we have to have with
certain points. (12)
Finally, while one bad semester does not drastically influence an undergraduate's
entire educational career, it can in law school. For instance, students
who get poor first semester grades may not be able to recover sufficiently
to be chosen for law review, moot court, judicial clerkships or prestigious
summer job interviews.(13) Given the lack
of evaluative feedback, a student's generally poor study habits, and grading
curves, it is a rare student who can offset a poor first semester.
Nevertheless, student anxiety can be lessened with improved legal instruction(14)
and with a legal pedagogy that is consistent with the principles of learning.
Such a pedagogy includes understanding how students learn and helping students
to develop strategies for learning that are consistent with their learning
styles.(15)
egal education prides itself in being an educational system that demands
that its students be self-motivated learners. The student with poor study
skills will not perform well. The student who has a poor understanding
of how to achieve academic success will not do well. Yet, law schools do
very little to assure that their students understand what it means to be
a self- motivated learner or to possess the necessary study skills. I am
convinced that this failure is because legal education actually knows very
little about self- motivated learning or learning styles. There have been
only a few articles written in the last ten years on how law students learn
or learning style theory in legal education.(16)
The only study published on law students' learning styles utilizing the
Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) is almost thirty years old.(17)
As far as I can determine, no legal article has discussed improving students'
performance by incorporating an understanding of the different learning
styles of students into the development of teaching methods.(18)
Furthermore, despite changing demographics that have resulted in a more
diverse student population,(19) only one
article addresses differences in learning styles of law students in the
context of the issue of diversity. (20)Because
performance in law school is so important, this lack of self-study is a
major deficiency .
This study was done to explore the relationship between learning style
and performance. In particular, its purpose was to discern the MBTI for
first year law students and to describe the relationship between the MBTI
and performance.(21)
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*** Copyright (c) 1993 Vernellia R. Randall.
All Rights Reserved. Associate Professor of Law, The University of Dayton
School of Law. J.D., Northwestern School of Law, Lewis and Clark College,
1987; M.S.N., University of Washington, 1978; B.S.N., University of Texas,
1972.
I would like to thank the Institute for Law School Teaching for
the grant under which this document was developed. Points of view expressed
are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position or
policies of the Institute for Law School Teaching. I would also like to
thank my colleagues: Professors Kimberly O'Leary, Susan Brenner and Marla
Mitchell for their critical and helpful comments. Finally, I am grateful
for the prompt and untiring research assistance of Lisa Feeling, Tshaka
Randall and Scott Hauert. I cannot, of course, forget the continuing good
humor and support of my sons -- Tshaka and Issa.
1. FN1. So, even before entering law school, I undertook
a goal of figuring out what the legal education system wanted. I bought
several books on how to study for law school and, unlike many students,
I did not enter law school thinking that I would become some great legal
scholar, jurist, rainmaker, or even a law professor. I entered focused
on
conquering the environment.
2. FN2. When you enter law school, you are told that
you will be taught to "think like a lawyer." The general unspoken implication
is that "thinking like a lawyer" is uniquely different from thinking like
a nurse, a physician, or any other profession. Yet, it is my observation
that the skills required to think like a lawyer are exactly the skills
required to think like a nurse. To think like a nurse you must be able
take a set of facts provided by a patient, define the nursing problem,
select which of the facts provided by the patient are pertinent to the
problem, determine what nursing rules apply to the situation, formulate
and select alternative nursing diagnoses, and draw valid conclusions from
the facts, nursing knowledge, and inferences. How this process differs
from "thinking like a lawyer" remains a mystery to me.
3. FN3. Exams once a semester are not a sufficient
opportunity for law students to learn from his or her mistakes. Such a
practice gives a significant advantage to some based upon behavioral characteristics
that were brought into the law school environment. Imagine, if you will,
taking a class in piano playing. Assume the teacher focuses all of her
effort on analyzing sheet music of great musicians. At each class, students
are called on to dissect, digest, analyze and compare various works. Occasionally,
they are asked to play very short snippets, but most of the time they read
and discuss. At the end of the course when the students have learned everything
there is to know about the treble and base clefs, timing, notes, beats
and rhythms, the student is asked to take a final exam, which consists
of playing a piano piece that they have never seen before. They are given
no time to practice the piece. The piano is wheeled in and the students
proceed.
Assume the professor discloses to the students this testing practice,
but adamantly assures the students that if they prepare for class diligently
they will be prepared for the exam. Who will do well on the exam? Will
it be the person who never sat down to a piano before this class? Will
it be the student who ignores the professor's assurances and takes piano
lessons independently? Will it be the person who has taken piano as a child
or during college
4. FN4. Some will argue this is the role of the law
school -- to teach to the highest level of skill. It might have been justifiable
to take that stance when all the entering students had essentially the
same background -- white, upper- middle class, male -- and when the legal
system was tailored for the practice of persons from that background. Such
a stance today is unconscionable. The American society is multi-ethnic
and multi-cultural. The legal system, and those representing the system,
must come from diverse cultural, ethnic, and educational backgrounds. Law
schools must develop a pedagogy that allows those who are not white, upper-middle
class males to succeed with the same frequency as those who are. Many students,
while having the intelligence and abilities necessary to make a good lawyer,
lack the requisite skill level to succeed the way legal education is currently
approached . This is evidenced by the extremely high (up to 50%) attrition
rate among students of color.
5. FN5. Lawrence Silver, Comment, Anxiety and the
First Semester of Law School, 1968 Wis. L. Rev. 1201-18 (1968); See generally
G. Andrew H. Benjamin, et al., The Role of Legal Education in Producing
Psychological Distress Among Law Students and Lawyers, 1986 Am. B. Found.
Res. J. 225, 246 (reporting results of statistical study which shows that
law school produces a wide variety of psychological symptoms including
obsessive-compulsive behavior, interpersonal sensitivity, depression, anxiety,
hostility, phobic anxiety, paranoid ideation and psychoticism (social alienation
and isolation)); Robert Stevens, Law Schools and Law Students, 59 Va. L.
Rev. 551, 639-40 (1973) (reporting results of study of a small number of
students at Yale Law School); James Archer, Jr. & Martha M. Peters,
Law Student Stress, 23
NASPA J. 48, 51 (1986) (reporting that more than
half of the 367 students in the study emphasized that lack of feedback
regarding grades during the semester produced the most stress); Steven
B. Shanfield & G. Andrew H. Benjamin, Psychiatric Distress in Law Students,
35 J. Legal Educ. 65, 69 (1985) (reporting study that suggests law students
have a higher rate of psychiatric distress than medical students). But
see M.J. Hamilton et al., Thirty-five Law Student Suicides, 11 J. Psychiatry
& L. 335, 342 (1983) (suggesting that the suicide rate for law students
is lower than the general population for the same age group).
6. FN6. Silver, supra note 5, at 1202. See generally
Alan A. Stone, Legal Education on the Couch, 85 Harv. L. Rev. 392 (1971)
(analyzing the psychological pressures to which law students are subject).
7. FN7. Silver, supra note 5, at 1202-10. Additional
causes of anxiety have been identified as "insensitive classroom teaching
methods," unsympathetic families and friends, absence of periodic meaningful
feedback, a narrow focus of traditional legal analysis, unapproachability
of professors, confusion in the classroom, uncertainty over what one should
be learning, "a realization that the study of law is open-ended, the recognition
that one's friends are also one's competitors; and, most significantly,
disappointment over grades." Michael I. Swygert, Putting Law School Grades
in Perspective, 12 Stetson L. Rev. 701, 702 (1983).
8. FN8. Silver, supra note 5, at 1202.
9. FN9. See generally Banks McDowell, The Dilemma
of a (Law) Teacher, 52 B.U.L. Rev. 247 (1972); Suzanne Dallimore, The Socratic
Method -- More Harm Than Good, 3 J. Contemp. L. 177 (1977).
10. FN10. Silver, supra note 5, at 1205.
11. FN11. Id.
12. FN12. Id. at 1209 (alteration in original).
13. FN13. See Swygert, supra note 7, at 704 (noting
that "to be asked to join law review, and to maximize job opportunities
all require certain levels of grades"); Emily Campbell & Alan J. Tomkins,
Gender, Race, Grades, and Law Review Membership as Factors in Law Firm
Hiring Decisions: An Empirical Study, 18 J. Contemp. L. 211, 232-33 (1992)
(reporting that the most important variable in applicant evaluation was
grades because law firms consistently favor students in the upper 10% of
the class as compared to the upper 30% of the class; although the study
also suggests that blacks are not always treated the same as whites and
women are not always treated the same as men); Thomas Doniger, Grades:
Review of Academic Evaluations in Law Schools, 11 Pac. L.J. 743, 743-46
(1980) (noting that not only do grades affect ability to secure law-related
employment but they also affect a student's eligibility for financial assistance).
14. FN14. See generally Charles D. Kelso, Science
and our Teaching Methods: Harmony or Discord?, 13 J. Legal Educ. 183 (1960).
15. FN15. Fifty years ago law students may have
been a homogenous lot: recent college graduates, upper middle-class white
males in the top 15% of their undergraduate class with a pre-law, political
science, or liberal arts major. Today, the entering law school student
is as likely to be female or a person of color as a white male. Many of
the students have been out of college for three to five years. Furthermore,
there is significant diversity in their college majors: education, fine
arts, engineering, nursing, medicine, as well as political science and
liberal arts. Thus, we can no longer afford to assume that all students
will learn through one strategy. It has become increasingly more important
that legal education adapt its curriculum and instruction to learners'
aptitudes.
16. FN16. See generally Raymond B. Marcin, Psychological
Type Theory in the Legal Profession, 24 U. Tol. L. Rev. 103 (1992) (discussing
the role of psychological type theory in the context of law study or entry
into the legal profession); David W. Champagne, Improving Your Teaching:
How Do Students Learn?, 83 Law Libr. J. 85 (1991) (presenting several learning
styles and providing a broad overview of the application of learning styles
to teaching in general); Eileen B. Cohen, Teaching Legal Research to a
Diverse Student Body, 85 Law Libr. J. 583 (1993) (asserting that student
learning of legal research can be improved by expanding teaching methods
to incorporate the variety of learning styles that characterize a diverse
law student population); Don J. DeBenedictis, Learning by Doing: The Clinical
Skills Movement Comes of Age, 76 A.B.A. J. 54 (Sept. 1990) (mentioning
the use of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator in a clinical setting to suggest
negotiating methods and to explore students' learning styles or to line
them up with compatible externship supervisors); Cynthia A. Kelly, Education
for Lawyer Competency: A Proposal for Curricular Reform, 18 New Eng. L.
Rev. 607 (1983) (discussing learning styles and the application of learning
theory to legal education); Robert Bookman, Helping Associates Succeed,
12 ALA News 6 (June/July 1993) (suggesting that helping associates succeed
requires good teachers who adapt their teaching style to the associate's
learning style); Julie Macfarlane & Pat Boyle, Instructional Design
and Student Learning in Professional Legal Education, 4 Legal Educ. Rev.
63 (1993); Nicolette Rogers, Improving the Quality of Learning in Law Schools
by Improving Student Assessment, 4 Legal Educ. Rev. 113 (1993); Paul T.
Wangerin, Learning Strategies for Law Students, 52 Alb. L. Rev. 471-528
(1988); Paul T. Wangerin, Teaching and Learning in Law School: An "Alternative"
Bookshelf for Law School Teachers, 29 Gonz. L. Rev. 49 (1994); Paul T.
Wangerin, Law School Academic Support Programs, 40 Hastings L.J. 771 (1989)
(suggesting that several techniques of law school classroom teaching can
be used to help high risk and probationary students learn both substantive
material and independent learning skills).
17. FN17. See Paul V. Miller, The Contribution of
Non-Cognitive Variables to the Prediction of Student Performance in Law
School, Dissertation Abstracts 27, 1679A (Univ. Microfilms No. 66-4630)
(1966); Paul V. Miller, Personality Differences and Student Survival in
Law School, 19 J. Legal Educ. 460 (1967); cf. Raymond B. Marcin, Psychological
Type Theory in the Legal Profession, 24 U. Tol. L. Rev. 103 (1992) (indicating
that pre-law advisors have taken to using psychological typing indicators
as aids in career counseling, family law practitioners use psychological
typing indicators as conciliation tools, and law firms use them in personnel
development programs).
18. FN18. But cf., Lisa I. Leiden et al., Assessing
Learning-Style Inventories and How Well They Predict Academic Performance,
65(6) Acad. Med. 395-401 (1990).
19. FN19. Between 1963 and 1992, female law students
increased from 4 percent to 43 percent. Between 1977 and 1992, law students
of color increased from 8 percent to 17 percent. A Review of Legal Education
in the United States: Fall 1992, A.B.A. Sec. Legal Educ. & Admis. Bar,
at 67-70 (1993). Furthermore, in 1988, twenty-seven percent of students
graduating from law school were over 29 years old. Lisa Green Markoff,
Bias Against Older Students, Gays Has an Effect on Two Campuses, Nat'l
L.J., Oct. 30, 1989, at 4.
20. FN20. See Cohen, supra note 16; cf. Norma J.
Ewing & Fung Lan Yong, Learning Style Preferences of Gifted Minority
Students, 9 Gifted Educ. Int'l 40-44 (1993) (comparing learning style preferences
among gifted African-American, Mexican-American, and American-born Chinese
middle grade students. Significant ethnic, gender, and grade differences
were found.); Charles S. Claxton, Learning Styles, Minority Students, and
Effective Education, 14 J. Dev. Educ., Fall 1990, at 6-8, 35 (arguing that
minority students do not have learning styles different from students of
the dominant culture; stressing that an understanding of cultural and gender
factors will help developmental instructors become more effective teachers);
Rita Dunn & Shirley A. Griggs, Research on the Learning Style Characteristics
of Selected Racial and Ethnic Groups, 6 J. Reading, Writing, & Learning
Disabilities Int'l, July-Sept. 1990, at 261-80 (concluding that individual
rather than group characteristics must be addressed when providing instruction
-- regardless of cultural or racial background); Asa G. Hilliard, III,
Teachers and Cultural Styles in a Pluralistic Society, 7(6) NEA Today,
Jan. 1989, at 65-69 (suggesting that teachers be sensitive to and respectful
of their students' cultural learning styles without stereotyping; arguing
that a student's learning style is neither an excuse for poor teaching
nor an index of low capacity).
21. FN21. This study was made on the following assumptions.
First, law schools admit students with differing learning styles, study
habits, and study attitudes and will continue to do so. Second, law schools
have grading practices that result in dismissal at the end of the first
semester or first year. Finally, law students attending the University
of Dayton School of Law are representative of students attending other
law schools.
The study did not consider learning styles not measured by the MBTI.
The study did not consider the impact of cultural or educational differences
on study habits, learning attitudes or performance. |